Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah My Topic is about any Leader, so In this world there are many leaders. We know most of them, but my essay is about â€Å"Quaid-e-Azam†. He was a Great politician and statesman of 20th century. He was generally known as the father of state of Pakistan. He was the leader of The Muslim League and served as the first Governor General of Pakistan. Quaid-e-Azam was his official names. His real name is Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Quaid-e-Azam (â€Å"The Great Leader†) and Baba-e-Qaum(â€Å"Father of the Nation†) was the name given by the public of Pakistan. Quaid-e-Azam, Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born on 25th December 1876 at Wazir Mansion, Karachi of lower Sindh. He was the first of seven children of Jinnah bhai, who was a rich and successful Gujrati merchant. He moved to Sindh from Gujrat before Jinnah’s birth. His Grandfather’s name is Poonja Gokuldas, which is an Indian name. His cast was Rajput, which is an indian cast but these Rajputs were converted to Islam. Jinnah’s family belongs to Shiia Islam. At first Jinnah was being taught at home then he was sent to the Sindh Madrasah tul Islam in 1887 and thn changed his school to Gokal Das Taj Primary School in Mumbai and then finally he joined the Christian Missionary Society High School in Karachi, where at 16 he passed the matric examination of the University of Bombay. On the advice of an English friend, his father decided to send him to England to acquire business experience. Jinnah, however, had made up his mind to become a barrister, then in the same year 1892, Jinnah joined the office of Graham's Shipping and Trading Company at London, this company had extensive dealings with Jinnahbhai Poonja's firm in Karachi. In keeping the custom of time, his parents urge him for marrige with his distant cousin Emibai Jinnah, who was two years junior of him. His marriage was not to long last, his wife was died when he was on a temporary stay at England then his mother was also passed away. In London, Jinnah left the Trading Company and joined Lincoln's Inn to study Law. After 3 years at the age of 19 he became the youngest indian to be called to the bar in England and He completed his formal studies and also made a study of the British political system. He was greatly influenced by the liberalism of William E. Gladstone, who had become prime minister for the fourth time in 1892; that was the year of Jinnah's arrival at London. Jinnah also took a keen interest in the affairs of India and in Indian students. When the Parsi leader â€Å"Dada bhai Naoroji†, a leading Indian nationalist, tried for the British Parliament then, Jinnah and other Indian students worked day and night for him. Their efforts were crowned with success, and Naoroji became the first Indian to sit in the House of Commons. When Jinnah returned to Karachi in 1896, he found that his father's business had suffered losses and that he now had to depend on himself. He decided to start his legal practice in Bombay, but it took him years of work to establish himself as a lawyer. It was nearly 10 years later that he turned toward active politics. A man without hobbies, his interest became divided between law and politics. Nor was he a religious zealot: he was a Muslim in a broad sense and had little to do with group discussion about Islam. His interest in women was also limited to Ruttenbai, the daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, a Bombay Parsi millionaire–whom he married over tremendous opposition from her parents and others. The marriage proved an unhappy one. It was his sister Fatima who gave him solace and company. Jinnah first entered politics by participating in the 1906 Calcutta session of the Indian National Congress, Jinnah did not favour totally in Independence, he considered British influences on education, law, culture and industry as beneficial to India. Jinnah became a member on the sixty-member Imperial Legislative Council. Four years later he was elected one of the sixty-member Imperial Legislative Council, then he was appointed to the Sandhurst committee, which helped to establish the Indian Military Academy at Dehra Dun. During World War I, Jinnah joined other Indian moderates in supporting the British war effort, hoping that Indians would be rewarded with political freedoms. He admired the British political system to raise the status of India in the international community and to develop a sense of Indian nationhood among the peoples of India. At that time, he still looked upon Muslim interests in the context of Indian nationalism. But, by the beginning of the 20th century, the belief had been growing among the Muslims that their interests demanded the preservation of their separate identity rather than live mixed with in the Indian nation, it is impossible for Muslims to be with Hindus. All-India Muslim League was founded in 1906. But Jinnah was initially avoiding to join it because it was too Muslim oriented. Eventually, he joined the league in 1913 and he became its chief organizer in 1916 at Bombay and was elected president of the Bombay branch. Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity,† Jinnah, tried seriously to bring about the political union of Hindus and Muslims. It gave him the title of â€Å"the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity†. It was largely through his efforts that the Congress and the Muslim League began to hold their annual sessions jointly, to facilitate mutual consultation and participation. In 1915 the two organizations held their meetings in Bombay and in Lucknow in 1916, where the Lucknow Pact was concluded. Under the terms of the pact, the two organizations put their seal to a scheme of constitutional reform that became their joint demand to the British Government. There was a good deal of give and take, but the Muslims obtained one important right to use the land in the shape of separate electorates, but they have already admit to be true to them by the government in 1909 but upto this time they resisted by the Congress Meanwhile, a new force in Indian politics had appeared in the person of Mohan Das K. Gandhi. Both the Home Rule League and the Indian National Congress had come under his sway. Opposed to Gandhi's Non-co-operation Movement and his necessary Hindu approach to politics, Jinnah left both the League and the Congress in 1920. For a few years he kept himself away from the main political movements. He continued to be a firm believer in Hindu-Muslim unity and constitutional methods for the achievement of political ends. After his withdrawal from the Congress, he used the Muslim League platform for the theory of his views. But during the 1920s the Muslim League, and with it Jinnah were more prominent by the Congress and the religiously oriented Muslim Khilafat committee. When the failure of the Non-co-operation Movement and the emergence of Hindu revivalist movements led to antagonism and riots between the Hindus and Muslims, the league gradually began to come into its own. Jinnah's problem during the following years was to convert the league into a progressive political body prepared to co-operate with other organizations working for the good of India. He had to convince the Congress, as a prerequisite for political progress, of the necessity of settling the Hindu-Muslim conflict. To bring about such a rapprochement was Jinnah's chief purpose during the late 1920s and early 1930s. He worked toward this end within the legislative assembly, at the Round Table Conferences in London (1930-32), and through his 14 points, which included proposals for a federal form of government, greater rights for minorities, one-third representation for Muslims in the central legislature, separation of the predominantly Muslim Sindh region from the rest of the Bombay province, and the introduction of reforms in the north-west Frontier Province. But he failed. His failure to bring about even minor amendments in the Nehru Committee proposals (1928) over the question of separate electorates and reservation of seats for Muslims in the legislatures frustrated him. He found himself in an odd position at this time; many Muslims thought that he was too nationalistic in his policy and that Muslim interests were not safe in his hands, while the Indian National Congress would not even meet the moderate Muslim demands halfway. Indeed, the Muslim League was a house divided against itself. The Punjab Muslim League repudiated Jinnah's leadership and organized itself separately. In this unwillingness, Jinnah decided to settle in England. From 1930 to 1935 he remained in London, devoting himself to practice before the Privy Council. But when constitutional changes were in the offing, he was persuaded to return home to reorganize the Muslim League. Soon preparations started for the elections under the Government of India Act of 1935. Jinnah was still thinking in terms of co-operation between the Muslim League and the Hindu Congress and with coalition governments in the provinces. But the elections of 1937 proved to be a turning point in the relations between the two organizations The Congress obtained an absolute majority in six provinces, and the league did not do particularly well. The Congress decided not to include the league in the formation of provincial governments, and all-Congress governments were excluded. Jinnah had originally been unreliable about the practicability of Pakistan, An idea that Sir Muhammad Iqbal had proposed to the Muslim League conference of 1930, but before long he became convinced that a Muslim homeland on the Indian subcontinent was the only way of safeguarding Muslim interests and the Muslim way of life. It was not religious persecution that he feared so much as the future exclusion of Muslims from all prospects of advancement within India as soon as power became vested in the close-knit structure of Hindu social organization. To guard against this danger he carried on a nation-wide campaign to warn his religion fellows for the serious danger of their position, and he converted the Muslim League into a powerful instrument to unite the Muslims into a nation. Jinnah issued a call for all Muslims to launch â€Å"Direct Action† on August 16 to â€Å"achieve Pakistan† Strikes and protests were planned, but violence broke out all over South Asia, especially in Calcutta and the district of Noakhali in Bengal, and more than 7,000 people were killed in Bihar. Although viceroy Lord Wavell declared that there was â€Å"no satisfactory evidence to that effect†, League politicians were blamed by the Congress and the media to arrange the violence. Temporary Government portfolios were announced on October 25, 1946. Muslim people were sworn on October 26, 1946. The League entered the temporary government, but Jinnah avoid from accepting office for himself. This was credited as a major victory for Jinnah, as the League entered government having rejected both plans, and was allowed to appoint an equal number of ministers despite being the minority party. The Congress agreed to the division of Punjab and Bengal along religious lines in late 1946. The new viceroy Lord Mountbatten and Indian civil servant V. P. Menon proposed a plan that would create a Muslim dominion in West Punjab, East Bengal, Baluchistan and Sindh. After heated and emotional debate, the Congress approved the plan. The North-West Frontier Province voted to join Pakistan in a referendum in July 1947. Jinnah asserted in a speech in Lahore on October 30, 1947 that the League had accepted independence of Pakistan because â€Å"the consequences of any other alternative would have been too disastrous to imagine†. Jinnah led his movement with such skill and tenacity that ultimately both the Congress and the British government had no option but to agree to the partitioning of India. Pakistan thus emerged as an independent state in 14th August, 1947. Jinnah became the first head of the new state ‘Pakistan’. He took oath as the first governor general on August 15, 1947. Faced with the serious problems of a young nation, he tackled Pakistan's problems with authority. Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah was nominated by the Muslim League as the Governor-General of Pakistan, while the Congress appointed Mountbatten as India's first Governor-General. Pakistan. He was very hard worker from his student life, he worked hard until over aged and illness in Karachi. He died on 11th September 1948 at Karachi. In recognition of his singular contribution. Indeed, few nations in the world have started on their career with less resources and in more treacherous circumstances. The new nation did not inherit a central government, a capital, an administrative core or an organized defense force. Its social and administrative resources were poor, there was little equipment and still less statistics. The Punjab holocaust had left vast areas in a shambles with communications disrupted. This, along with the migration of the Hindu and Sikh business and managerial classes, left the economy almost shattered. The treasury was empty, India having denied Pakistan the major share of its cash balances. On top of all this, the still unorganized nation was called upon to feed some eight million refugees who had fled the insecurities and barbarities of the north Indian plains that long, hot summer. If all this was symptomatic of Pakistan's administrative and economic weakness, the Indian annexation, through military action in November 1947, of Junagadh (which had originally acceded to Pakistan) and the Kashmir war over the State's accession (October 1947-December 1948) exposed her military weakness. The nation desperately needed a charismatic leader at that critical juncture in the nation's history, and he fulfilled that need profoundly. After all, he was more than a mere Governor-General, he was the Quaid-e-Azam who had brought the State into being. In the ultimate analysis, his very presence at the helm of affairs was responsible for enabling the newly born nation to overcome the terrible crisis on the morrow of its cataclysmic birth. He mustered up the immense prestige and the unquestioning loyalty he commanded among the people to energize them, to raise their morale, and directed the profound feelings of patriotism that the freedom had generated, along constructive channels. Though tired and in poor health, Jinnah yet carried the heaviest part of the burden in that first crucial year. He laid down the policies of the new state, called attention to the immediate problems confronting the nation and told the members of the Constituent Assembly, the civil servants and the Armed Forces what to do and what the nation expected of them. He saw to it that law and order was maintained at all costs, despite the provocation that the large-scale riots in north India had provided. He moved from Karachi to Lahore for a while and supervised the immediate refugee problem in the Punjab. He settled the controversial question of the states of Karachi, secured the accession of States, especially of Kalat which seemed problematical and carried on negotiations with Lord Mountbatten for the settlement of the Kashmir Issue. The sense of supreme satisfaction at the fulfillment of his mission that Jinnah told the nation in his last message on 14 August, 1948: â€Å"The foundations of your State have been laid and it is now for you to build and build as quickly and as well as you can†. In accomplishing the task he had taken upon himself on the morrow of Pakistan's birth, Jinnah had worked himself to death, but he had, to quote Richard Simons, â€Å"contributed more than any other man to Pakistan's survival†. How true was Lord Pethick Lawrence, the former Secretary of State for India, when he said, â€Å"Gandhi died by the hands of an assassin, Jinnah died by his devotion to Pakistan†. Through the 1940s, Jinnah suffered from tuberculosis only his sister and a few others close to him were aware of his condition. In 1948, Jinnah's health began to falter, hindered further by the heavy workload that had fallen upon him following Pakistan's independence from British Rule. Attempting to recuperate, he spent many months at his official retreat in Ziarat, but died on September 11, 1948 (just over a year after independence) from a combination of tuberculosis and lung cancer. His funeral was followed by the construction of a massive mausoleum (Mazar-e-Quaid) in Karachi to honour him; official and military ceremonies are hosted there on special occasions. The Agha Khan considered him â€Å"the greatest man he ever met†, Beverley Nichols, the author of `Verdict on India', called him â€Å"the most important man in Asia†, and Dr. Kailashnath Katju, the West Bengal Governor in 1948, thought of him as â€Å"an outstanding figure of this century not only in India, but in the whole world†. While Abdul Rahman Azzam Pasha, Secretary General of the Arab League, called him â€Å"one of the greatest leaders in the Muslim world†, the Grand Mufti of Palestine considered his death as a â€Å"great loss† to the entire world of Islam. It was, however, given to Surat Chandra Bose, leader of the Forward Bloc wing of the Indian National Congress, to sum up succinctly his personal and political achievements. â€Å"Mr. Jinnah† he said on his death in 1948, â€Å"was great as a lawyer, once great as a Congressman, great as a leader of Muslims, great as a world politician and diplomat, and greatest of all as a man of action, By Mr. Jinnah's passing away, the world has lost one of the greatest statesmen and Pakistan its life-giver, philosopher and guide†. Such was Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the man and his mission, such the range of his accomplishments and achievements. Analysis: Quaid-e-Azam was a great leader, brilliant Muslim lawyer and having a great personality. He was an Indian Muslim and not so much believer of Islam, his style was like an English man. He fought for india’s freedom, as the first President of Indian National Congress, but it was hard to continue with them, so he decided to join Muslim League. After joining the Muslim League, his goal was to create a separate, independent homeland for Muslims of the Indian Sub-continent, where they could flourish freely without interference from or competition with the politically, educationally and economically dominant Hindu majority in South Asia. He was the first Leader, who separated to different nations and religions. He had the believe that every religion has its own ways to spend life, and it was difficult for the Muslims to spend their life in their own way. so he created a separate and independent country for Muslims. Now I want to follow him, and to make Muslims together on one platform, to be a separate Muslim power, against the Jews. Bibliography http:/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhammad_Ali_Jinnah